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Psychological characteristics of the personality of participants in local conflicts in the conditions of their return from a traumatic situation as an object and subject of psychological research

Recently, the work of both psychiatrists and psychologists (Yu.A. Aleksoandrovsky, L.N. Sobchik, L.I. Spivak and others) has been devoted to studying the effect on humans of extreme psycho-traumatic stressful situations. This is due to an increase in the number of conflicts with hostilities, natural disasters and catastrophes. Of particular practical importance is the study of situations of the person’s return from traumatic conditions. In domestic psychiatry, as early as the end of the 1920s, many authors (P.B. Ganushkin, F.D. Zarubin, SV. Kraits, D.E. Melekhov) noted that among people who had been in extreme psycho-traumatic conditions for several years revolution and civil war, after a certain period of time appeared "a whole type of early aging in the brain." There was a loss of vivid colors of the psyche, a reduction in energy capabilities developed, the range of interests narrowed, which led to the loss of working capacity in a significant number of people. These conditions, according to P.B. Ganushkina, received the name "acquired mental disability."

In the 1980s and 90s, the continuation of the problem of acquired mental disability is the study of post-traumatic stress disorders, in particular on the contingent of internationalist warriors. Until now, the problem of providing psychological assistance to those who fought in Afghanistan remains topical. And also at the present stage of development of Russian society, taking into account the experience of conducting military operations in Chechnya, the psychological consequences of this war are being studied.

Military personnel exposed for a certain time to the traumatic situation of the war, are under the influence of its consequences in peacetime. Layering of primary stress, secondary stresses of peacetime. After returning home, a veteran finds himself in a different socio-psychological situation, and faces the need to re-adapt to a peaceful life. At first, he feels like a “stranger”, suffers from alienation, misunderstanding, isolation [127], faces difficulties of a socio-psychological nature (professional self-determination, getting an education, creating a family, etc.). All of the above difficulties give rise to new stress states, which, “summing up” with the traumatic stress of the war, form post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) [84].

According to modern views, stress becomes traumatic when the result of exposure to a stressor is a mental disorder similar to physical disorders. In this case, according to existing concepts, the structure of the "self", the cognitive model of the world, the affective sphere, the neurological mechanisms that control the learning process, the memory system, the emotional learning paths are violated. In such cases, traumatic events — extreme crisis situations with a powerful negative effect, situations of life threatening for oneself and significant relatives, act as a stressor. Such events fundamentally disrupt the individual’s sense of security, causing experiences of traumatic stress, the psychological consequences of which are diverse. The fact of experiencing traumatic stress for some people becomes the reason for their future post-traumatic stress disorder [185].

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is “a non-psychotic delayed reaction to traumatic stress (natural, man-made disasters, fighting, rape, etc.) that can cause mental disorders in any person” [185, p. 16].

To date, there is no single universally accepted theoretical concept explaining the etiology and mechanisms of the emergence and development of post-traumatic stress conditions and disorders. Despite this fact, in this dissertation research we consider it necessary to turn to the consideration of the traumatic situation of the war, as well as to the specifics of the experience of post-traumatic conditions by participants in local military conflicts.

Any war is an abnormal situation, an unusual type of life of a person who has its own distinctive signs.

The life-death paradigm underlying it can totally be recognized as the universal primary characteristic of any anomalous situation, totally introducing a special coordinate system of existence, perception, experience and action: a person is immersed in a life situation with a completely different value-semantic system. In such a situation, a person deals with the experience of death, which is revealed to him as the content of life, and receives the experience of life, which carries him into the arms of death [126].

In the anomalous world, death turns into a phenomenon of real life and is revealed to man as an internal moment of his life, inflicting a crushing blow to the feelings of immortality and invulnerability on which ordinary everyday life is based. In ordinary life, people, as a rule, acknowledge the existence of death at all and do not deny the possibility of their own death, however, in fact, they do not take it into account, they are forced out, rejected and live convinced of their immortality. Culture as a whole exposes the idea of ​​death to suppression and defensive treatment, and this sociocultural suppression is combined with the mass destruction of life with the full power of the achievements of science and technology, which has become an almost integral attribute of modern society [126].

Analyzing the problems of personality anomalies, B.S. My brother formulates the important idea that since the psyche is one, the pathology does not result from the fact that along with the "normal" purely "abnormal" mechanisms begin to act, but because the general psychological mechanisms begin to distort, functioning in special, extreme, harmful conditions for them [40].

The specifics of the anomalous experience depends on the type of stressor, on personal characteristics, on the origin of the anomaly (anthropogenic or natural spontaneous), on the position of the “survivor” (whether he is a “victim” and / or “executioner”), on factors of controllability (uncontrollability), predictability (unpredictability) of an event, etc. [40].

In addition to the anomalous nature of the events themselves, experience is influenced, according to B.S. Brothers, various signs of the environment: 1) spatio-temporal (existence in a foreign environment, isolation from loved ones, information blockade and isolation from the outside world, long-term presence in limited space of roadblocks and military camps, lack of front and rear lines, systematic military raids, " stripping ”, seizures and losses of military facilities); 2) natural landscape (unusual natural and climatic conditions, flora and fauna, all kinds of underground structures, passages, "greenery", mountain passes and roads); 3) social (unpopularity and rejection of the war, the impossibility of its effective ideological justification); 4) military-technical (the partisan nature of the war, the incompetence of military leaders, hazing, ambushes, minefields); 5) national-ethnic (anti-people character of the war, in which women, old people and children take part; fanaticism and lack of fear among the enemy, the presence of "suicide bombers", women snipers, and militia children) [40].

In addition to events of an anomalous nature, a person is greatly influenced by the situation of a return to peaceful life. The experience of death (real or symbolic) is suddenly interrupted and one who returned to the ordinary world is identified by those around him and himself as surviving. However, a physical return does not always coincide with a psychological one: the returnee understands that everything that has happened has passed, but does not feel it as a “past”. In a certain sense, we can talk about the active inertia of the past, manifested in the phenomenon of the invasion of the past into the present, the incompleteness of the past, the unbroken connection of the I-actual with the former-I [126].

The post-traumatic situation considered with respect to the survivor is the world that he left for a while and where he is now returning alive, breaking out of the anomaly. This is a life in which a person must integrate anew, but this is a situation in which he needs to reintegrate from an abnormal situation. The surviving warrior must leave the life-death paradigm, rebuild the semantic system, free himself from the extreme styles of survival, the military mentality and destructive forms of behavior (habits of killing), as well as from an overly vigilant expectation to be killed and crippled.

The survivor is in a situation of choosing a path (negative or positive): the formation of the victim’s complex or self-actualization; post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or progressive personality development. In addition to these personality changes, others are also observed. M.Sh. Magomed-Eminov talks about the transformation of the motivational core, which, in his opinion, leads to the dominance of motivation of power and destruction. Often there are personality transformations, expressed in the violation of interpersonal relationships, the loss of a sense of empathy, the ability to love, etc. M.Sh. Magomed-Eminov connects this with the deformation of the personality structure and its core - the I-structure, which underlies the disadvantage in the sphere of family relations of veterans [126].

After a traumatic event for the subject, his entire inner world changes [73]. Under the influence of trauma, changes occur in cognitive models of existence, which at the subjective level are reflected in the emergence of a sensation of personal change, as well as in the characteristics of the personal assessment of the traumatic event experienced as an individual life experience [113].

According to L.I. Antsyferova, experiencing extreme stress does not always lead to negative consequences for the individual. In some cases, it promotes personal growth and increased self-esteem, which in turn helps to successfully get out of the traumatic situation. After a mental trauma, the process of reassessing individual values ​​and priorities usually begins, and the sensation “I have become different” that has arisen can acquire both positive and negative colors [18].
At the same time, the predominance of reduced self-esteem, sensations such as “I became worse than I was before”, as a rule, indicates an unfavorable nature of adaptation [73].

A certain part of participants in traumatic events is also inclined to perceive the resulting traumatic experience as a whole as having a positive impact on their future life. According to a survey of participants in hostilities in Afghanistan, three categories were identified for a possible positive subjective assessment of the consequences of experiencing psycho-traumatic experience. These are changes in self-perception and self-esteem (“has become stronger”, “new opportunities have appeared”, “I know what I stand for”), in relationships with others, in the general philosophy of life. Moreover, in the studies of E.O. Lazebnoy and M.E. Among veterans who were well adapted to peaceful life, Zelenova most often met people with a positive attitude to the page of their life related to military operations [113].

Other studies conducted by A.G. Maklakov, SV. Chermyanin and E.B. Shustov, they show that the traumatic events suffered by the participants in the hostilities on the territory of the Chechen Republic have a more pronounced negative character in comparison with similar events experienced by military personnel in Afghanistan. Even 4-5 months after the end of hostilities, veterans of Chechen events have a significant level of neuro-emotional stress and anxiety, which is usually characteristic of stressful situations. Therefore, the process of readaptation to ordinary conditions of life and activity is more difficult for them [130].

A.G. Maklakov, speaking about the intensity of the psychoemotional and psycho-traumatic stresses suffered by the veterans of the Chechen events due to the nature of the military operations, notes that the psychoemotional stresses of the federal troops who took part in the military conflict in the North Caucasus were more significant than those of the military who took part in the conduct of hostilities in Afghanistan. This was due not only to the intensity of the fighting, but also to a number of subjective factors, among which, first of all, the absence of a substantiated official version of the expediency of conducting military operations in the region, which could be believed and which could be supported by the majority of the military personnel participating in these events. .

Features of the socio-psychological characteristics of the modern young generation, as shown by A.G. Maklakova, St. Chermyanina and E.B. Shustov, create difficulties in adapting to a real vital threat. The cost of performance in such conditions is the depletion of physiological and psychological resources. However, the psychological characteristics of a person determine not only the time during which a person can successfully act in extreme conditions, but also how quickly and successfully he can return to ordinary life [130]. Recently, there has been a certain deterioration in not only social, but also psychological characteristics of young people, which, according to A.G. Maklakova, due to the socio-economic crisis experienced by Russia. Over this period, a decrease in the level of neuropsychic resistance in people aged 18–20 years was noted - a characteristic that largely determines the degree of stress resistance, and this, in turn, significantly reduces the likelihood of successful rehabilitation after suffering traumatic situations [39].

An important role in the development of post-stress violations among veterans of military conflicts is played by relations between them, on the one hand, and the state and society, on the other. As you know, the most important condition for preventing the development of PTSD-symptoms among combatants is the preservation or rapid restoration and harmonization of the moral sphere, and this is greatly facilitated by the attitude to the veterans of the people around them and the official policy of the state.

However, when comparing situations around Chechen and Afghan events in a study conducted by A.G. Maklakov, it is discovered that the participants in the hostilities in the North Caucasus are in less favorable conditions. In his opinion, Afghanistan veterans for some time experienced a halo of heroes, which had a very beneficial effect on their mental state in the initial period of re-adaptation, also had certain social and economic benefits and therefore felt more confident, and veterans of Chechen events after cessation of hostilities the same problems as the entire population of the country during the socio-economic crisis [129]. Moreover, their status, first of all, - social and legal, has not yet been determined. As before, there is still not only an official opinion on the reasons for the need to conduct military operations in the North Caucasus, but most importantly, the state’s policy towards persons who were involved in this military conflict has not been determined [130].

Thus, conducted A.G. Maklakov, SV. Chermyanin and E.B. Shustov’s analysis of the results of experimental studies of the psychological characteristics of veterans of the war in Afghanistan and Chechen events suggests that the latter will be more negative and more significant for its participants and society as a whole. If today there is evidence that among the war veterans in Afghanistan, PTSD was diagnosed as 10-15% of the participants in these events, while 20-30% were diagnosed with partial symptoms [210], then A.G. Maklakov, that among the veterans of the Chechen war these indicators will be 1.5-2 times higher [130].

The picture of the psychological state of the participants in the hostilities identified M.E. Zelenova, E.O. Lazebnoy, N.V. A gibberish. It is typical that most of those who returned from Afghanistan have at least some symptoms that are included in the criteria for PTSD and indicate the presence of psychological and emotional distress. Those who returned from the war relive the elements of trauma in memories, intrusive images, dissociative states of consciousness, and in unconscious behavioral reproduction of a traumatic situation. In addition, many of the survivors feel emotionally “numb” in relation to themselves and others, experience a loss of normal attachment and notice symptoms of depression and a loss of interest in previously significant activities and interpersonal relationships.

The condition of the victims is characterized, according to M.E. Зеленовой, также физиологической возбудимостью нервной системы и проявляется в нарушениях сна, повышенной раздражительности, гневливости, затруднениях с сосредоточением внимания, физиологической реактивности на ситуации, напоминающие травматические и т.д. [76].

Именно анализ особенностей послевоенной адаптации жертв травматического стресса различной этиологии, в том числе и ветеранов боевых действий, а также разработка принципов оказания им психотерапевтической, психологической, социально-психологической помощи являются преимущественным направлением отечественных исследований последних лет [1, 77]. Однако экспериментальных исследований особенностей переживания военного травматического стресса у нас практически не проводилось, поэтому в данной работе мы попытаемся изучить специфику субъективного переживания психологического времени участников военных действий на территории Чеченской республики.

Одним из симптомов посттравматического стрессового расстройства наряду с реакцией страха, беспомощности, бессонницей, повторяющимися воспроизведениями событий травматического опыта, чувством отстраненности, сниженной выраженностью аффекта и др. является ощущение сокращения жизненной перспективы, отсутствие планов на будущее и нежелание их строить [185, с. 51]. Данные обстоятельства являются следствием изменения характеристик жизненной перспективы, которые до сих пор остаются не изученными, несмотря на то, что оказание психологической помощи участникам локальных военных конфликтов, основанной на «простраивании» будущей временной перспективы может явиться эффективным средством выхода из состояния стресса.

Выше названные обстоятельства побудили автора диссертационного исследования к изучению специфики жизненных перспектив участников локальных войн, что представляет на наш взгляд, как теоретический, так и практический интерес для психологии.

Таким образом, теоретико-методологический анализ изучения жизненных перспектив как составляющей жизненного пути и психологического времени личности позволяет сделать вывод о том, что с одной стороны в психологической науки имеется целый ряд работ, посвященных рассмотрению проблематики жизненных перспектив личности, с другой стороны ощущается нехватка интегрированной концепции по данной проблемной области, способной системно определить объект исследования и описать основные параметры оценки субъективных представлений личности о жизненных перспективах. Все вышеизложенное свидетельствует о необходимости разработки системного подхода к проблеме психологического будущего личности, в рамках которого жизненные перспективы определяются как сложное системное образование, включающее в себя ряд взаимосвязанных компонентов.

Рассмотрение психологических особенностей личности воевавших в ситуации возвращения к мирной жизни продемонстрировало необходимость в разностороннем изучении этиологии, симптоматики, развитии посттравматических состояний и расстройств участников боевых действий в целом, и выделении особенностей субъективных представлений о жизненных перспективах данного контингента в частности.

Итак, определение системного взгляда на проблему субъективных

представлений о будущем личности, принимавшей участие в военных

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локальных конфликтах является фундаментом для эмпирического исследования, представленного во второй главе диссертационного исследования.
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Психологические особенности личности участников локальных конфликтов в условиях их возвращения из психотравмирующей ситуации как объект и предмет психологических исследований

  1. Диссертация на соискание ученой степени кандидата психологических наук. Психологические особенности субъективных представлений о жизненных перспективах участников локальных войн, 2004
    Introduction Теоретико-методологические основания исследования субъективных представлений о жизненных перспективах участников локальных войн. Феноменология и содержание понятия жизненной перспективы как составляющей жизненного пути и психологического времени личности. Психологические особенности личности участников локальных конфликтов в условиях их возвращения из психотравмирующей ситуации войны
  2. Результаты исследования психологических особенностей субъективных представлений участников локальных войн о жизненных перспективах
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  3. Анализ связи компонентов жизненной перспективы с ценностно-смысловой сферой личности участников локальных военных конфликтов
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  8. ИМИДЖ ВООРУЖЕННЫХ СИЛ РОССИИ В МОЛОДЕЖНОЙ СРЕДЕ КАК ОБЪЕКТ СОЦИАЛЬНО-ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ
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